Regulatory

Something to Chew On: the FDA, Food, and a Healthy Dose of Definitions

MJLST Guest Blogger, Tommy Tobin

[Editor’s Note: This post is #3 in a series on current FDA issues. You can find the previous post here and here.]

Is food medicine? The answer to this simple question is surprisingly complicated.

The name of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) seems to distinguish between foods and drugs. So too does the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetics Act, which helpfully defines “food” as “(1) articles used for food or drink for man or other animals, (2) chewing gum, and (3) articles used for components of any such article.”

While it is not difficult to swallow the concept of chewing gum being food, the broad legal definition of “food” is somewhat circular and does not provide much guidance by itself.  Indeed, the definition of “drug” under the same law notes that drugs are, in relevant part, “articles (other than food) intended to affect the structure or any function of the body of man or other animals.”

Setting the table for further discussion, it should be noted that foods and drugs face different regulatory burdens. For example, drugs face pre-market approval. As for foods, the FDA does not have sole regulatory oversight over food products, which it shares with approximately 14 other federal agencies. The Government Accountability Office labeled the patchwork of federal food safety oversight as a “high risk issue” noting that it had caused “inconsistent oversight, ineffective coordination, and inefficient use of resources.”

Knowing whether an item is a drug or a food dictates whether it is regulated appropriately and even which laws apply to the item. From the definitions, it would seem that foods are categorically not drugs. Yet, sometimes foods do function as medicine. For example, the Harvard Food Law & Policy Clinic argues that “for critically and chronically ill people, food is medicine.” Part of the Clinic’s work has advocated for expanded medically-tailored food and nutrition interventions to improve health outcomes and reduce overall health care costs for high-risk, high-need populations. Even outside of high-risk populations, it is likely many of us provide self-care through food, such as sipping chicken soup for colds or the flu.

Adding more food for thought, there are several terms that blur the lines between the categories of “food” and “drug.” The FDA notes that “terms like ‘functional foods’ or ‘nutraceuticals’ are widely used in the marketplace” but are not explicitly defined in the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act. While one could devote a book to the regulation of nutraceuticals and functional foods (and some have done so), it is sufficient here to note that nutraceuticals and functional foods have their own definitions in the relevant, non-regulatory literature. According to an article in the aptly-titled scholarly journal Nutrients, a nutraceutical is “food (or part of a food) that provides medical or health benefits, including the prevention and/or treatment of a disease” and functional foods are “food products that have an added positive health benefit” (internal citations omitted). Notably, each definition expressly notes that these items are foods, not drugs. Put another way, an apple a day may keep doctors away, but apples enriched with antioxidants may be a functional food that merits a price premium from consumers.

The terms have largely arisen out of marketing practice, and a combination of the words “nutrition” and “pharmaceutical.” Entire publications have devoted themselves to the news and scholarly analysis of these products, including Nutraceuticals World and the Journal of Functional Foods. One recent article examined whether Jelly Belly, the jelly bean purveyor, could support its claims that its Sports Beans were “clinically-proven” to maximize sports performance.

Further blurring the line between foods and drugs, a “medical food” is defined under a statute that has “drug” in the name, but the product is not actually a “drug.” A “medical food” is defined under the Orphan Drug Act, as “a food which is formulated to be consumed or administered enterally under the supervision of a physician and which is intended for the specific dietary management of a disease or condition for which distinctive nutritional requirements, based on recognized scientific principles, are established by medical evaluation.” Pursuant to the above definition, the FDA has declared that medical foods must be taken only under the supervision of a physician. According to a recent FDA Guidance Document, medical foods are explicitly not drugs and are not subject to the requirements that apply to drugs. As an example, one medical food, Deplin, is an orange pill that advertises itself as a “prescription medical food” specifically designed to meet the “clinical dietary management of depression and schizophrenia.”

In the supermarket, consumers may stroll from the pharmacy aisles to the food aisles, seeing pharmaceuticals one moment and nutraceuticals the next. With consumers willing to pay a price premium for healthy foods, including functional foods, foods that make claims to reduce disease and promote good health are likely here to stay.


Genetically Modified Foods and the Consumer Quest for Disclosure

Nicholas Ratkowski, MJLST Staffer

In 2000, the Minnesota Journal of Law, Science, and Technology (MJLST) proudly published its first issue, spanning a variety of issues between Patent Protection of Computer Programs to an analysis of the First Amendment through the lens of Jesse Ventura. One Note addressed how genetically modified foods (GMOs) should be labeled, if at all. In the seventeen years since MJLST’s inception, much has changed – how has the landscape of GMO labeling progressed?

In 2000, the principal argument was whether or not GMOs should be specially labeled as such; the author references unexpected concomitant protein allergies and environmental effects as prime concerns. As of 2000, scientists had not identified any negative effects from consuming GMOs. The Note notes different approaches between Europe and the United States, with the former relying on strict disclosure requirements, and the latter ignoring the issue (for the most part). At the time of authorship, “[m]ore than 4,500 GM plants ha[d] been tested, and at least 40 ha[d] passed government reviews” and “as much as 70% of processed foods contain[ed] GM components. The Note “propose[d] that the most appropriate method of resolving the labeling issue involves developing a new, international, voluntary labeling standard for products that have not been developed through genetic engineering techniques or do not contain genetically engineered ingredients.”

Now to the fun part – has anything changed? The short answer is not really. In 2013, Connecticut became the first state to “successfully enact a law requiring food containing genetically modified ingredients to be labeled as such, though it comes with the unusual requirement that four other states must pass similar legislation.” As of 2017, more than 70 bills across 30 states have been proposed in an effort to require labeling of GMOs. Only two states (Vermont and Maine) have joined Connecticut’s lead in forcing disclosure of genetically modified foods. Maine’s disclosure law requires disclosure, but is subject to a litany of exceptions. Vermont’s seems a bit more stringent, but is also easily circumvented. See §3043(d) and §3044 (for example, “Any processed food that would be subject to subsection 3043(a) of this title solely because it includes one or more materials that have been produced with genetic engineering, provided that the genetically engineered materials in the aggregate do not account for more than 0.9 percent of the total weight of the processed food”).

It is perhaps surprising then that GMOs remain mostly invisible to the average consumer in the United States, considering “[m]ore than 70 percent of Americans say they don’t want genetically modified organisms in their food” and “92 percent of Americans want genetically modified foods to be labeled,” according to a 2014 Consumer Reports survey. I’m not smart enough to tell you whether or not eating GMOs has any effect on health, much less whether that effect would be positive or negative. I can, however, posit a theory to explain this paradox, albeit not a novel one – the Pro-GMO lobby is simply too powerful for states to butt heads with in the courts on the taxpayers’ dime. With Monsanto leading the charge, the pro-GMO lobby has spent tens of millions of dollars to fight state-level labeling initiatives. In 2013, lobbyists spent $9,300,000 to prevent GMO disclosure requirements. In just the first quarter of 2014, lobbyist spent another $9,000,000. How can states compete?

If the U.S. ever makes the policy decision to implement widespread labeling requirements for GMOs, doing so will require federal legislation; states have been shown to lack the resources necessary to fight the purveyors of incomplete information that are GMO lobbyists. On the other hand, would labeling have any discernable effect on consumers? Maybe not, but I believe consumers should have the choice to pick what they eat, and how their food is sourced.


Evaluating an FDA Ban on Use of Human-Used Antibiotics in Animals

Nathan Vanderlaan, MJLST Staffer

Over the past several years, antibiotic resistance in humans has become one of the leading health concerns in the United States. Many heads are turning towards the U.S. farming industry, and the antibiotic consumption by animals as a leading culprit. Today, about 80% of all antibiotic consumption in the United States is attributable to animal consumption. Many argue that unless the government takes stronger regulatory stances on the animal consumption of antibiotics, an inability to effectively fight a number of illnesses due to antibiotic resistance will be on the horizon.

In her article “Slowing Antibiotic Resistance by Decreasing Antibiotic Use in Animals,” Jennifer Nomura argues that the FDA should implement a total ban on the use of antibiotics in animals that are also used therapeutically in humans. Currently, the FDA has taken the position that there is no definitive proof that antibiotic use in animals leads to greater resistance in humans. As such, they intend to allow producers to continue to use antibiotics used to treat humans in farming practices until a scientific correlation between resistance and farm use is established. Nomura advocates that the FDA transition from this “wait-and-see” policy and enter the realm of stiff antibiotic regulation. She argues that the FDA is under such an obligation based on their duty to minimize risks to human health. However, this duty may suggest that the FDA should not rush into a total ban on antibiotics also used in human health.

An all-out ban on such antibiotics may in fact have a more detrimental impact on human health. The potential that a ban would lead to increased incidence of disease cannot be underscored. While Nomura suggest that disease may be kept down due to improved farming practices, the reality of creating the infrastructure to promote such practices may not be feasible for a country with such high meat production. And although several countries have been successful in making the transition from these kinds of antibiotics, their success may not be entirely indicative of the success a large country like the U.S. will have. If the incidence of disease goes up after a ban, consumers will likely suffer medically and financially, and these risks cannot impulsively be set aside.

Nonetheless, the FDA must take notice of the growing problem of antibiotic resistance. Resistance is giving rise to “super-bugs” and leading to more unpreventable deaths every year. While steps must be taken to address these growing concerns, any action taken by the FDA should not be hasty. Instead of an outright ban on all antibiotics used for humans as well, the FDA should do a full risk analysis regarding the impact giving these drugs to animals poses to humans. Then the FDA should conduct an individual analysis of the highest risk antibiotics being used, tackle these antibiotics first, and then slowly transition away from the use of certain antibiotics once it is determined such a transition will not threaten the health of humans or the nations live stock.


Dinner for Two? Federal Regulations Indicate a Newfound Love for the Pediatric Medical Device Market

Angela Fralish, MJLST Invited Blogger

In December 2016, President Obama signed the 21st Century Cures Act which includes Subtitle L “Priority Review for Breakthrough Devices” and Subtitle M “Medical Device Regulatory Process Improvement.” Subtitle L addresses efficiency in medical device development by allowing inventors to request an expedited review for inventions that target disease, and for which there is no alternative device is currently on the market. Subtitle M requires FDA staff to be trained in least burdensome concept reviews and allocates $500 million to speed up commercialization.

This Act presents growth opportunities for the pediatric medical device market which often lacks device development due to time and expense. Under the Cures Act, if the device targets a childhood disease and there is no alternative, this new regulation requires a priority review determination within 60 days from the FDA Secretary. Additionally, there are now $500 million supporting implementation of the priority review.

Currently, pediatric devices can take up to 10 years and $94 million to develop. Market incentives often drive device innovation and the market for children is small. Consequently, most developments are not initiated for profit, but for personal interest in children’s health.

For example, despite using an expedited review process under a humanitarian device exemption, an implantable rib to prevent thoracic collapse took 13 years just to get FDA approval to begin the commercialization process. The pediatric medical device market is viewed by some as a crisis and the 21st Century Cures Act has the potential to improve kids’ health.

For lawyers, scientists and engineers, an increase in device development leads to an increase in demand for regulatory, design, reimbursement and scientific technology experts. Lawyers can make a major difference in getting devices from bench-to-bedside. On the other side of the fence is demand for the same to protect consumers from manufacturers taking advantage of the Cures Act. In fact, some tort lawyers directly oppose the Cures Act for fear of watered-down processes for safety in devices.

However, regardless of one’s stance on the issue, it’s a good time to show some legal love to the kiddos in need of growth in the pediatric medical device market.


Split Ends: WEN Hair Care & the FDA’s Regulation of Cosmetics

MJLST Guest Blogger, Tommy Tobin

[Editor’s Note: The LawSci Forum is pleased to announce a new series on current issues in FDA law. This post is #1 in the series, with more in the coming weeks.]

We have all been tempted by late-night television infomercials and their promises. If the product works, our lives become more convenient; if it doesn’t, we’re only out a few dollars and the product will gather dust. For thousands across America, one product that promised a hair-care revolution left them scratching, itching, and balding.

The Food & Drug Administration (FDA) is investigating over 20,000 incidents of adverse events resulting from WEN by Chaz Dean. Los Angeles-based stylist Chaz Dean is the face of the WEN brand, endorsed by Brooke Shields, Alyssa Milano, and other celebrities. Sold on QVC, infomercials, and elsewhere, WEN is unlike most shampoos. It is marketed as a “revolutionary way to cleanse and hydrate the hair” without water.

There’s another way that WEN is unlike most shampoos: using WEN all too often results in large clumps of hair falling off one’s head. The FDA has received complaints of baldness in addition to hair loss, itching, and rashes after consumers tried WEN products. In July 2016, the FDA issued a Safety Alert to warn the public about potential results of using this hair care product. In that warning, the FDA noted that this was the largest number of reports ever received for a hair cleansing product.

Unsurprisingly, litigation has ensued. One California case has resulted in a preliminary class action settlement of over $26 million. Filed in the Central District of California, the suit alleges that the plaintiffs, and their similarly-situated class members, suffered hair loss and scalp irritation, among other injuries. One class representative allegedly lost one-third of her hair after she used WEN’s Sweet Almond Milk kit. In addition, plaintiffs claimed that the WEN was falsely advertised as safe and failed to warn users of potential harm.

Under the terms of the preliminary settlement, notice will be given to 6 million class members, defined as any American purchaser of WEN hair care products between November 2007 and August 1, 2016. A warning will be added to the product’s packaging telling users to seek immediate medical attention for adverse reactions. While many claimants in the class can submit claims for a $25 payment, those with more extensive damages can submit claims for additional recovery. For example, those that have lost more than 50% of their hair with minimal “hair regrowth” could recover as much as $20,000.

But, wait there’s more! The nature of the allegations against WEN have led many consumers, lawmakers, and even the New York Times to ask whether the FDA should have the authority to recall dangerous cosmetics from the market. Currently, the FDA is not authorized to order recalls of cosmetic products. Instead, such recalls are voluntary efforts by manufacturers or distributors.

A cursory inspection of the FDA’s name reveals that “cosmetics” is nowhere to be found in the title of the Food & Drug Administration. While the FDA notes that cosmetic companies and marketers “have the legal responsibility to ensure the safety of their products,” the WEN case provides an opportunity to reflect on the FDA’s regulatory authority over cosmetic products.  For example, the FDA may order warning statements on cosmetics that present health hazards and work with manufacturers on voluntary recalls. Time will tell whether WEN prompts further action to regulate cosmetic products.


Split Ends: WEN Hair Care & the FDA’s Regulation of Cosmetics

MJLST Guest Blogger, Tommy Tobin

[Editor’s Note: The LawSci Forum is pleased to announce a new series on current issues in FDA law. This post is #1 in the series, with more in the coming weeks.]

We have all been tempted by late-night television infomercials and their promises. If the product works, our lives become more convenient; if it doesn’t, we’re only out a few dollars and the product will gather dust. For thousands across America, one product that promised a hair-care revolution left them scratching, itching, and balding.

The Food & Drug Administration (FDA) is investigating over 20,000 incidents of adverse events resulting from WEN by Chaz Dean. Los Angeles-based stylist Chaz Dean is the face of the WEN brand, endorsed by Brooke Shields, Alyssa Milano, and other celebrities. Sold on QVC, infomercials, and elsewhere, WEN is unlike most shampoos. It is marketed as a “revolutionary way to cleanse and hydrate the hair” without water.

There’s another way that WEN is unlike most shampoos: using WEN all too often results in large clumps of hair falling off one’s head. The FDA has received complaints of baldness in addition to hair loss, itching, and rashes after consumers tried WEN products. In July 2016, the FDA issued a Safety Alert to warn the public about potential results of using this hair care product. In that warning, the FDA noted that this was the largest number of reports ever received for a hair cleansing product.

Unsurprisingly, litigation has ensued. One California case has resulted in a preliminary class action settlement of over $26 million. Filed in the Central District of California, the suit alleges that the plaintiffs, and their similarly-situated class members, suffered hair loss and scalp irritation, among other injuries. One class representative allegedly lost one-third of her hair after she used WEN’s Sweet Almond Milk kit. In addition, plaintiffs claimed that the WEN was falsely advertised as safe and failed to warn users of potential harm.

Under the terms of the preliminary settlement, notice will be given to 6 million class members, defined as any American purchaser of WEN hair care products between November 2007 and August 1, 2016. A warning will be added to the product’s packaging telling users to seek immediate medical attention for adverse reactions. While many claimants in the class can submit claims for a $25 payment, those with more extensive damages can submit claims for additional recovery. For example, those that have lost more than 50% of their hair with minimal “hair regrowth” could recover as much as $20,000.

But, wait there’s more! The nature of the allegations against WEN have led many consumers, lawmakers, and even the New York Times to ask whether the FDA should have the authority to recall dangerous cosmetics from the market. Currently, the FDA is not authorized to order recalls of cosmetic products. Instead, such recalls are voluntary efforts by manufacturers or distributors.

A cursory inspection of the FDA’s name reveals that “cosmetics” is nowhere to be found in the title of the Food & Drug Administration. While the FDA notes that cosmetic companies and marketers “have the legal responsibility to ensure the safety of their products,” the WEN case provides an opportunity to reflect on the FDA’s regulatory authority over cosmetic products.  For example, the FDA may order warning statements on cosmetics that present health hazards and work with manufacturers on voluntary recalls. Time will tell whether WEN prompts further action to regulate cosmetic products.


A Slow Government’s Response to High-Frequency Trading

Nolan Hudalla, MJLST Staffer

High-frequency trading (HFT) is the use of enhanced technological speed to gain an edge in trading financial instruments. This edge over other investors is often only 1/100th of the blink of an eye, but can provide a company with years of unwavering success. Although HFT became significant within the past decade because of its positive economic advantages, the recent discussion of HFT is becoming increasingly negative. A major reason for this shift in opinion about HFT is due to the increased awareness of unethical trading practices after the 2008 financial crisis.

MJLST published an article last year on the ethics of HFT. In that article, The Law and Ethics of High-Frequency Trading, Steven McNamara advanced various reasons why certain HFT practices violate both business ethics and federal agency regulations. But where do Congress and the SEC stand, and what have they done to correct such unethical practices in HFT?

It appears that the federal government is taking a middling approach to fighting unethical HFT practices. In particular, the SEC has not taken a hard stance on many HFT issues, and Congress has followed suit by not passing any bills in 2016 to fight HFT. However, it is also evident that the SEC and Congress are troubled by ongoing bad practices and are aware of the risk of future violations. Specifically, Congress has introduced several bills “imposing a tax on a broad array of financial transactions that could impact HFT . . . [and] also held hearings in the 114th Congress touching on HFT issues as part of its oversight of the SEC and CFTC.” In addition, the SEC has increased enforcement on serious HFT ethics violations. The agency also approved a new public stock exchange in June with a “speed bump” capable of deterring some HFT activity.


Has GoPro’s Voluntary “Karma” Refund Program Revealed a Gap in Regulatory Jurisdiction over Commercial and Private Drones?

Joey Novak, MJLST Staffer

Drones in the year 2016 are involved in everything from assisting law enforcement to recordings at weddings and sporting events to even the potential for package delivery, and as such, have been rapidly expanding further into recreational and commercial settings. Drones also have one of the most imaginably widespread liability palates you could think of, as 4th Amendment, privacy, property, and products liability issues all combine to form the Frankenstein’s monster of liability, that is if that monster was also subject to 152 pages of operational FAA regulation because he could fly.

With such a wide breadth of hot topic liability issues, it’s not surprising that what should be the most common issue for commercial use has been somewhat overlooked: product liability.  On November 8th, GoPro announced the “recall” of 2,500 Karma drones after the $800 drone had only been on the market for two weeks. Apparently, the design of an off-center camera placement led to increased vibration, leading to connectivity issues and in turn, drones unexpectedly falling out of the sky. Although no actual injuries have been reported, one does not have to make a large leap to imagine a falling drone leading to injury and subsequent liability issues.

The interesting thing about this “recall” is that it revealed a regulatory gap between the FAA (Federal Aviation Administration) and the CPSC (Consumer Product Safety Commission) for drone product liability. With the FAA taking over regulation of drones with their Part 107 regulations released in June of this year, a CPSC spokesperson has stated simply that “[w]e do not have jurisdiction over drones.” But while the FAA does regulate manufacturing of larger aircraft through a certificate process, its oversight of drones to this point has been restricted to operational issues, not the classic manufacturing or design defects that lie at the heart of products liability. Both agencies ended up “recommending” that GoPro proceed with their refund program, and GoPro has stated that they are working “in close coordination” with both agencies. However, GoPro was not actually required to report to either agency or participate in any government-mandated recall program.

Now with drones falling out of the sky, GoPro was greatly self-incentivized to get their products off of the market to avoid what would be pretty cut-and-dry liability in the event that any injuries actually did occur. But what if a potential issue with drones was not so obviously open to liability? Commercial drone companies could unilaterally decide to keep their products on the market if they determine that whatever injury that is occurring may, for example, be more of a result of user error rather than a classic manufacturing or design defect. Companies would then take their chances with potential suits, and the absence of an agency-mandated reporting and recall program could actually assist companies in their defense, as companies would only need to fulfill their post-sale duty to warn about the product’s dangers rather than recall the product entirely.

Restatement (Third) of Torts: Products Liability § 11 imposes liability for failure to recall pursuant to a governmental directive, but in the absence of such a government-mandated requirement a company can only be liable in recall if they decide to voluntarily recall the product and are negligent in doing so. This governmental requirement stems from the thought that, as the Michigan Supreme Court puts it, “the duty to repair or recall is more properly a consideration for administrative agencies and the Legislature.” In fact, as comment c. to the Restatement states, “voluntary recalls are typically undertaken in the anticipation that a government agency will require one anyway.”

If no government agency is requiring recall or repair for drones, companies are presumably left to make the counter-policy determination of whether the cost of potential liability from public injury outweighs the costs associated with repair or recall. While such a determination may require more than this cost-benefit vacuum (such as shareholder relations, consumer goodwill, future sales & outlook, etc.), government-mandated recall programs are put in place to prevent companies from having to weigh costs against public safety. GoPro certainly did the “right thing” here by swiftly engaging in a voluntary refund program (maybe they just wanted some good “Karm- ah forget it), but look for Congress to clarify agency jurisdiction over drone recalls in the near future to protect recreational and commercial drone producers against themselves.


How Yuge Will Trump’s Influence Be on United States Science?

Daniel Baum, MJLST Staffer

Science was only a minute fragment of the candidates’ campaigns, but many researchers have expressed fears about Trump. “Trump will be the first anti-science president we have ever had,” Michael Lubell, director of public affairs for the American Physical Society, told Nature. “The consequences are going to be very, very severe.” How severe, and which kinds of science will Trump influence?

One science topic that was explicitly discussed in the campaigns was climate change. Trump has long denied climate change, and as Trump turned to the Republican Party’s conservative base, he said that his administration will focus on “real environmental challenges, not phony ones.” However, Trump has expressed support for economically beneficial climate change research: he told Science Debate that “[p]erhaps we should be focused on developing energy sources and power production that alleviates the need for dependence on fossil fuels” and specified that those energy sources worth developing include wind, solar, nuclear, and bio-fuels.

Trump has also taken the Republican Party’s businessman’s approach to space and public health research. For space research, Trump thinks that we should seek global partners and would like to expand the role of the commercial space industry in the US space program. Discussing public health research, Trump told conservative radio host Michael Savage, “I hear so much about the NIH, and it’s terrible.” Trump told Science Debate that instead of giving the NIH all the funding it needs, “efforts to support research and public health initiatives will have to be balanced with other scarce resources” by Congress, where the Republicans now control both houses.

In order to do good science, the United States needs the best researchers. However, Trump’s strong anti-immigration stance may dissuade foreign scientists from coming to or staying in the United States to do research—why should a highly skilled researcher come to or stay in the U.S. if he or she will have to do research in an environment hostile to immigrants? With fewer noncitizen scientists, we’ll need to train our own scientists with great science education. Unfortunately, Trump has expressed essentially anti-education policies. He argues that some colleges and universities should bear the burden of students’ loan debt and that the federal government should stop making money off student loans. Trump also wants to pull federal funding from the Department of Education, or demolish it altogether, and make management of public education at the state and local level while removing federal funding for low-income public schools.

Overall, Trump will change science in the United States bigly. If he sticks to the points he made on the campaign trail, the United States will have fewer scientists, and they will mostly only receive federal funding to do research on things that the Republican Party thinks will make Americans money. That could include the development of new environmentally friendly energy sources, but most likely not space or public health research. But there is still hope: this change will only be so yuge if Trump sticks exactly to what he said while campaigning. Already, less than a week after being elected, Trump has backpedaled on his rabid anti-Obamacare stance, and maybe he’ll realize that the best way to make America great again is to make Americans and American science great again.


Haiti, Hurricanes and Holes in Disaster Law

Amy Johns, MJLST Staffer

The state of national disaster relief is one that depends greatly on the country and that country’s funds. Ryan S. Keller’s article, “Keeping Disaster Human: Empathy, Systematization, and the Law,” argues that proposed legal changes to the natural disaster laws (both national and international) could have negative consequences for the donative funding of disaster relief. In essence, he describes a potential trade–off: do we want to risk losing the money that makes disaster relief possible, for the sake of more effectively designating and defining disasters? These calculations are particularly critical for countries that rely heavily on foreign aid to recover after national disasters.

In light of recent tragedies, I would point to a related difficulty: what happens when the money is provided, but because of a lack of accountability or governing laws, the funds never actually make it to their intended purposes? Drumming up financial support is all well and good, but what if the impact is never made because there are no legal and institutional supports in place?

Keller brings up a common reason to improve disaster relief law: “efforts to better systematize disaster may also better coordinate communication procedures and guidelines.” There is a fundamental difficulty in disaster work when organizations don’t know exactly what they are supposed to be doing. A prime example of the lack of communication and guidelines has been seen in Haiti, in which disaster relief efforts are largely dependent on foreign aid. The fallout from Hurricane Matthew has resurrected critiques of the 2010 earthquake response—most prominent was the claim of the Red Cross to build 130,000 homes, when in fact it only built six. Though the Red Cross has since disputed these claims, this fiasco pointed to an extreme example of NGOs’ lack of accountability to donors. Even when such efforts go as planned and are successful, the concern among many is that such efforts build short—term solutions without helping to restructure institutions that will last beyond the presence of these organizations.

Could legal regulations fix problems of accountability in disaster relief? If so, the need for those considerations is imminent: climate change means that similar disasters are likely to occur with greater frequency, so the need for effective long-term solutions will only become more pressing.